GREG LOPEZ
MAKES HIS CASE
FOR COLORADO
GOVERNOR.

Greg Lopez is running for Colorado governor in 2026 as an independent candidate — his third run for the office. A U.S. Air Force veteran, Lopez served as mayor of Parker at age 27, went on to direct the Colorado office of the U.S. Small Business Administration from 2008 to 2014, and was elected to Congress as the representative for Colorado's 4th congressional district. He also previously served as president of the Denver Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and sat on the board of the Martin Luther King Awards Committee.

Lopez describes himself as a "compassionate conservative" who is choosing the independent path not as a retreat from his values but as the most viable route to the governor's mansion. With 50% of Colorado voters registered as unaffiliated, 25% as Democrats, and only 23% as Republicans, he argues the math simply doesn't favor a Republican primary path — and that his record of being elected and governing across multiple levels of government makes him the most credentialed candidate in the race.

Lopez and his wife ran a medical equipment placement company for 20 years — placing operating rooms, pharmacies, laboratories, and other hospital infrastructure for new facilities across the state — before becoming what he calls "a casualty of COVID." He describes that experience, along with his time as a small business owner, as central to his understanding of Colorado's economic realities in a way he says the current governor — worth over $700 million — cannot share.

Lopez first ran for Colorado governor in 2018 as a Republican, entering a four-way primary that included Walker Stapleton (related to the Bush family), Victor Mitchell (a self-made millionaire), and Doug Robinson (related to the Romney family). He finished third — a result he characterizes as a strong showing for a little-known newcomer running against well-funded establishment names.

He ran again in 2022. This time, he came out of the Republican assembly with the top delegate vote — the highest first-ballot support among all candidates. Then, he says, the Democratic Party spent $2 million against him in the primary, running mailers with his picture next to Governor Polis's, framing him as "too conservative for Colorado." He lost access to the general election ballot by approximately 49,000 votes. The Republican candidate who did advance to the general lost by 485,000 votes.

Running as an independent means Lopez bypasses the June 30th primary entirely. His name will appear on the November ballot alongside whoever wins the Democratic and Republican nominations, giving him — he argues — a direct shot at voters from both parties who have grown frustrated with one-party governance. He describes it as choosing "the hardest path" while acknowledging it may ultimately be the only viable one for a conservative in Colorado's current political landscape.

Lopez has coined the term "wolfgate" to describe what he characterizes as corruption and political manipulation surrounding the reintroduction of gray wolves in Colorado. He attended a Colorado Parks and Wildlife Commission meeting in Glenwood Springs and came away, in his words, shocked — not just by the policy outcomes but by what he describes as the commission's inability to follow basic parliamentary procedure or understand what they were voting on. He attributes the dysfunction directly to Governor Polis's appointment decisions.

After consulting with ranchers and producers, Lopez went a step further — applying his congressional experience with federal law. He argues that the Endangered Species Act is controlled by the federal government, not the state, and that Colorado is merely acting as a designated federal agent. His conclusion: the battle needed to be fought in Washington, not Denver. In September of last year, he sent a formal letter to U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service Regional Director Matt Hogan, copying all members of Congress and the media, demanding a cease-and-desist order on the importation of wolves from Canada and Alaska, which he argued violated the Endangered Species Act and the 10(j) rule governing non-essential experimental populations.

The federal government shut down on September 30th before responding. On October 10th, FWS Director Brian Nesvik sent a letter to Colorado Parks and Wildlife and the governor stating that wolves would not be imported from Canada or Alaska. Lopez told Pyrost he was in Washington D.C. recently and is now hopeful that the Department of Interior will formally remove CPW's designated-agent authority over the wolf program entirely — which he believes would result in the federal government issuing take permits to producers for a period and effectively ending the reintroduction program. He notes that with 40% of the introduced wolves having died, the 10(j) non-essential experimental population designation itself signals a failed program.

Lopez points to downtown Denver as the most visible evidence of policy failure under the current administration. He describes a 16th Street Mall corridor that has deteriorated — once a destination residents proudly showed visitors, now a place he says he personally avoids unless necessary. He links the deterioration to a combination of decriminalized drug laws, homelessness without enforcement consequences, a state sanctuary policy that prevents cooperation with federal immigration authorities, and the legislature's 2020 removal of qualified immunity protections for law enforcement officers.

On qualified immunity, Lopez says the consequences have been severe and underreported. Officers who are found to have used force that even slightly exceeded what a court later deems necessary face the first $25,000 of any judgment out of their own pockets — on salaries that don't cover that kind of exposure. The result, he says: officers have told him directly that they are no longer patrolling the way they used to, responding to calls with far greater caution, and avoiding interventions they once would have made without hesitation. Car theft in Colorado, he adds, has been downgraded to a misdemeanor — effectively a citation with a court date that is often ignored.

On sanctuary policy, Lopez explains that Colorado law currently prevents state and local agencies from sharing information with the FBI or ICE about individuals wanted by federal authorities — even when those individuals are clearly in the state system. It also prohibits officers from asking whether someone is a citizen of the United States. His position: this has created a situation where government services funded by American taxpayers are being extended to everyone regardless of status, and where violent offenders with federal warrants remain in Colorado communities without consequence.

Lopez's signature infrastructure proposal is the conversion of E-470 from a toll road to a free state highway. His argument: every major metropolitan city in the country has a loop road — Houston, Chicago, and others — allowing drivers to bypass the urban core. Denver doesn't have one, largely because the foothills prevent a western route. E-470, which runs along the eastern and northern suburbs, is the only candidate.

What makes the proposal more viable than it might appear, Lopez says, is a fact most Coloradans don't know: E-470 is not privately owned. The road is owned by five cities (Parker, Aurora, Commerce City, Brighton, and Thornton) and three counties (Douglas, Adams, and Arapahoe). He knows this, he told Pyrost, because he sat on the E-470 board as mayor of Parker. A state buyout from those municipalities, he argues, is a solvable government-to-government transaction — not a private acquisition. By his estimate, opening E-470 toll-free would remove more than 60,000 vehicles per day from I-25.

On road quality more broadly, Lopez is pointed in his criticism. He says the current CDOT director was appointed as a political favor — not for any expertise in road construction or management — and that the results show: faded signage, deteriorating pavement, half-finished projects, and a department preoccupied with bike lanes that, in his view, few people use while fundamental infrastructure goes unaddressed.

Lopez walked Pyrost through the numbers of the current state legislature in blunt terms. There are 100 members total: 65 in the House, 35 in the Senate. The breakdown is 43 Democrats and 22 Republicans in the House; 23 Democrats and 12 Republicans in the Senate. He points out that the combined Republican membership is so far below the Democratic supermajority that every Republican in the building could stay home and the Democrats would still have quorum — enough to pass every bill they choose to put forward without a single Republican present or a single vote of opposition required.

The practical result, he says: there is no debate. There is no incentive to listen to testimony, engage with opponents, or consider amendments. Bills are passed on party-line votes that are often decided before the public testimony even begins. He has personally observed legislators eating, watching their phones, and leaving the room while constituents testify. As governor, he says he cannot change the composition of the legislature — but he can veto, he can go directly to legislators' districts to pressure them, and he can refuse to sign bills he disagrees with so that his name is never connected to legislation he considers harmful.

His reform proposals focus on what a governor can do through influence rather than law: publicly advocating for a self-imposed two-bill-per-member limit (which would reduce annual output from 600+ to a manageable 200), eliminating the emergency clause that allows bills to bypass normal deliberation timelines, and advocating for automatic sunset provisions — requiring all legislation to be reauthorized after five to seven years or expire on its own.

• Early Life — Colorado

  Grew up in Colorado. Developed an understanding of the state across its urban, suburban, and rural communities that he describes as foundational to his approach to governance.

• U.S. Air Force

  Served in the United States Air Force. Cites his military service as formative in his understanding of duty, structure, and leadership within large bureaucratic organizations.

• Mayor of Parker — Age 27

  Elected mayor of Parker, Colorado at age 27, when Parker was a small community. Served on the E-470 Authority board during his tenure. Gained early experience with the mechanics of local government and veto power.

• 2008–2014 — Colorado SBA Director

  Appointed Colorado Director of the U.S. Small Business Administration, serving for six years as the voice and face of over 875,000 small businesses in the state. Worked inside the executive branch of the federal government.

• Denver Hispanic Chamber of Commerce

  Served as president of the Denver Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and on the board of the Martin Luther King Awards Committee, building relationships across the urban corridor that he says distinguish him from other conservative candidates.

• U.S. Congress — Colorado 4th District

  Elected to Congress representing Colorado's 4th congressional district. Gained direct experience with federal law, including the Endangered Species Act, the 10(j) rule, and the letter-of-agreement protocols that later informed his wolf advocacy.

• 2018 — First Governor's Run

  Entered the Republican primary against Walker Stapleton, Victor Mitchell, and Doug Robinson. Finished third in a field of established names, establishing his credibility as a candidate.

• 2022 — Second Governor's Run

  Won top-line at the Republican assembly. The Democratic Party spent an estimated $2 million targeting him in the primary. Lost the primary ballot by approximately 49,000 votes. The Republican who made it to the general lost by 485,000.

• September 2024 — Wolf Intervention

  Sent a formal cease-and-desist demand to U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service leadership, copied to all members of Congress and the media, arguing Colorado's wolf imports violated the Endangered Species Act. On October 10th, FWS directed CPW to halt wolf importation from Canada and Alaska.

• 2026 — Independent Candidacy

  Announces as an independent candidate, bypassing the June 30th primary entirely. Will appear on the November general election ballot alongside the Democratic and Republican nominees.

Lopez's core argument to voters is an employment analogy: imagine you're a small business owner ready to retire, handing your company to someone new. You wouldn't hire the most popular applicant, or the best speaker. You'd hire the person who understands how to actually run the operation — and then you'd hold them accountable along the way, not just at the four-year evaluation. He's asking 3.5 million Coloradans to make that hire, at a salary of $135,000 a year, overseeing 5,000 employees across 16 divisions and 64 counties.

Pyrost conducted this interview as part of its ongoing coverage of the 2026 Colorado governor's race. Candidates' claims and statistics in this article reflect their own statements and have not all been independently verified.